11 Robert W. Davies, "Edward Hallett Carr, 1892–1982", in: Proceedings of the British Academy, Volume 69 (1983), p. 486. 318-321. Carr, The Twenty Years’ Crisis, pp. 5-6. 24 (Dec 1998), pp. For example, I was one of the most outspoken opponents of the 2003 Iraq War before it happened. 2 Peter Wilson, 'The Myth of the First Great Debate', Review of International Studies, Vol. After the war he associated with a group of left-wing historians that included Isaac Deutscher, Christopher Hill, Alan J. P. Taylor and Harold Laski. Because of these attempts to walk a straight line, Carr was often accused by liberal-conservatives of being ‘soft’ on communism, an admirer of Vladimir Lenin and an apologist for Joseph Stalin . 18 Carr, The Twenty Years’ Crisis, pp. They were opposed to the Cold War and argued for better relations with the Soviet Union. Once again, intense nationalism was essentially but the symptom of larger historical trends at work in the background,53 a disease which undeniably the Japanese government itself lacked the determination to blight as early and rigorously as it might have, yet one which the international community as well only insufficiently helped to prevent from gaining in strength in the first place. They and some critics felt he had taken a turn to the Left and was putting things in stark black and white terms. Above all, one must not disregard the fundamental break that occurred in Japanese politics during the inter-war period, a deviation from previous policies which although it may have stood in some continuity with deeper, long-term strands of modern Japanese history,52 still cannot be interpreted as but the logical and natural evolution of its distinct political system. 32 Carr, The Twenty Years’ Crisis, p. 202. The Two Faces of E.H. Carr . Orwell considered these people to have pro-communist leanin… John le Carré, the author whose nuanced thrillers deftly explored the multiple personal and political complexities of the cold war, has died aged 89. 12-13.. 3 Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, p. 62. 28 Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, pp. 3-4. In the late 1940s, Carr started to become increasingly influenced by Marxism. The author was one of the most influential and controversial intellectuals of … The Decline and Fall of the Japanese Empire 1936-1945 (New York: Pen & Sword Military Classics, 1971), pp. Historical analysis of the failures and deficiencies of the inter-war international order has undeniably produced a wealth of interesting and instructive scholarly literature,4 yet E.H. Carr’s work still stands out as one particularly insightful and conclusive study on it. ''15 Before long, their vexation with the international system then translated into open hostility and aggression, setting them on an arguably inevitable collision course with its defenders that would eventually see their societies pitted against one another in history’s most devastating and atrocious conflagration. Peace and international cooperation may not be sustained on a permanent basis simply by virtue of the illusory belief that states will invariably seek to preserve these ideals merely because they allegedly benefit the international community as a whole. 149-150. The late novelist, who eschewed literary prizes, was a shadowy giant of post-war British fiction Last modified on Mon 14 Dec 2020 11.49 EST John le Carré never won the Booker prize. 24 Michael Cox, 'E.H. EH Carr, The Bolshevik Revolution, 1917-1921 (three volumes, London, 1950, 1952, 1953); The Interregnum, 1923-1924 (London, 1954). Not all Cold War scholarship on international affairs fit neatly into the realist, liberal, or marxist paradigms. In 1946, Carr started living with Joyce Marion Stock Forde, who was to remain his common law wife until 1964. International practices such as the extremely ill-received decision to deny Japan racial equality in the Covenant of the League of Nations,54 for instance, considerably increased domestic perceptions that the country was basically asked to conform to the rules of an international order which by all accounts rather sought to perpetuate than do away with the double standards and preferential treatment of a few privileged nations in international politics.55 Thus when the perceived dissonance between national interests and continued compliance with international norms came close to breaking point in the early 1930s, it ultimately took but one final decisive straw such as the non-sanctioned incursion of Japanese forces in northern China to once and for all set the country on a far less peaceable course.56 Belief in advancing matters of important national concern through peaceful accommodation had by that point already reached such low levels of approval that the idea of satisfying these needs by different, more radical avenues was now able to find favour with much broader parts of the country's ruling elite, or at any rate not meeting any sizeable opposition from it.57. Be the first one to write a review. Deutscher reviewed the first three volumes of Carr’s history in the Times Literary Supplement, 16 February 1951, 7 March 1952 and 5 June 1953 – MIA. His name was on Orwell's list, a list of people which George Orwell prepared in March 1949 for the Information Research Department, a propaganda unit set up at the Foreign Office by the Labour government. 48:2 (Spring, 1994), pp. The Cold War is considered to be a significant event in Modern World History. 126-127. War must be an accident WWII Appeasement= a cause Idealism=naïve. War must be an accident WWII Appeasement= a cause Idealism=naïve. 4 0 obj His family and literary agent confirmed the news. These books of the post-Cold War period caused unease among some of his admirers. Alexander Downer chewed ruminatively on his steak: “If you want a cold war with China, you will get a cold war with China.” I had just been appointed foreign minister and was consulting my predecessors. Reviews There are no reviews yet. When Carr set out to write The Twenty Years’ Crisis in July 1938, his goal was not to articulate a theory of realism, but instead to criticize British (and American) intellectuals for largely ignoring the role of power in international politics. Hello, Sign in. Part of the opening scene of Stanger Things Season 3. E. H. Carr is a thinker on international affairs who defies easy classification. 218-220. While the Canadian government was concerned that Carr and his Communist comrades would hamper the war effort, this kind of disruption had not been their goal ever since Germany invaded the Soviet Union in 1941. Carr is a common surname in northern England, deriving from the Old Norse kjarr, meaning a swamp. : Perseus Books Groups, 2004), p. 5. 135–153; and Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers. ), Origins of the Second World War (London: Continuum International Publishing Group, 2011, pp. 9 Wilson, 'The Peculiar Realism of E.H. Carr', p. 126. 1 E.H. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis 1919-1939: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (London: Macmillan, 1939), p. 19. By drawing on a critical engagement with E.H. Carr's work as well as on some particularly illuminating cases in recent modern history in which the promotion of moral ideals arguably led to the creation of a more substantive and enduring order of international peace and cooperation, the essay seeks to make the argument that 'moral ideals' are indeed not per se a lost cause in international politics, albeit only when morality is essentially considered a function of power and not vice versa as Carr noted,3 and, what's more, when they likewise also succeed in enhancing their practical appeal by providing individual state actors in due time with adequate incentives for conceiving of international cooperation as a viable alternative to war and aggression for effecting changes in their favour. comment. With the onset of war the benefit of the doubt Carr gave to Hitler and the harshness of his judgments against President Wilson and a procession of Western statesmen soon began to look rash and ill-judged. By the same token, the exercising of aggressive power must not solely be put down to a presumed absence of moral ideals in inter-state relationships, but arguably even more so to their perceived hollowness and inherent double standards.27. Historical fiction writer Robert Harris said le Carré, who chronicled the world of Cold War spies, was "one of the great post-war British novelists". John le Carré, a prolific novelist whose Cold War spy stories dominated the bestseller lists, has died at age 89. The James Madison Award and Lectureship is a triennial award that honors an American political scientist who has made a distinguished scholarly contribution to political science. 14 Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, p. 75. Around that time he determined to write a history of the Russian Revolution and subsequent events. 52 See M.G. 38:3 (May 2010), p. 528. 27 In Carr's appreciation, these principles were “but unconscious reflexions of national policy based on a particular interpretation of national interest at a particular time.” Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, p. 111. Account & Lists Account Returns & Orders. The strength of realism lies in exposing the weakness of utopian thought. Researchers state that the USSR and the United States of Am… Having lived through the cold war, and having read almost all of Le Carre's novels, I can say that this one is among the best. ", Review of International Studies, Vol. 14 Favorites . EVERY ZOMBIES EASTER EGG FOUND in BLACK OPS COLD WAR ALPHA Excited for Black Ops Cold War? In 1947, Carr was forced to resign from his position at Aberystwyth. 1 0 obj 17 Lucian M. Ashworth, 'Where are the Idealists in Inter-War International Relations? 245-259; and Frank McDonough, Neville Chamberlain, Appeasement and the British Road to War (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998). 57 John Keegan, Fateful Choices. The work of EH Carr is a superb counter to US Cold War disinformation and is highly recommended. Opportunity Fear Imbalance of power Bandwagoning Weakness of realism Sometimes countries are nice Black box flaw- they ignore all the … 4 See, for instance, Frank McDonough (ed. 16 Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, p. 57. The Cold War International History Project supports the full and prompt release of historical materials by governments on all sides of the Cold War. Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, p. 199. Downer implied cold war was not smart diplomacy and not in Australia’s interest. 12 Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis', p. 57. 25 S. Brown, The Causes and Prevention of War (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994), pp. 24:1 (Summer 1999), pp. On Hitler's premeditated international objectives, see in particular J. Noakes and G. Pridham, Nazism 1919-1945. The same observation also holds true for pre-WWII Japan, a country in which there had never developed any pronounced affinity, let alone identification with the international order. 35:2 (March 1998). Carr, increasingly moderating his earlier anti-Marx bias, was unforgiving of Cold War historians of the revolution who had willingly succumbed to the prevailing "anti-Marxist fanaticism". If Cold War intrigue and its tense, often bleak backdrop made his name and his books best-sellers, le Carré found new subject matter and a litany of characters and causes as the world changed. by Professor Richard J. Evans, ... Not the least of its pleasures was the fact that it made fun of so many icons of the Cold War - purveyors of 'Western' values such as Sir Karl Popper and Sir Isaiah Berlin, at a time when these values seemed to be leading to neocolonialist oppression of the kind carried out by the American armed forces in the Vietnam War. Dimuccio, ‘The Study of Appeasement in International Relations: Polemics, Paradigms, and Problems’, Journal of Peace Research, Vol. For both these related misdemeanours he was frequently taken to task and attacked by his many enemies. It is surprising, therefore, to see the cover of this book describing Joseph Stalin as a ‘dictator’, and EH Carr occasionally mentioning (as if ‘fact’) certain key Cold War points of US disinformation as if they were true! 5 As Peter Wilson noted, it was precisely this analytical quality of E.H. Carr to identify the correlative nature of both domestic and international issues–war, revolution, social justice, self-determination, economic distress and power politics–which enabled him to critically examine major developments in international politics. He joined the Foreign Office in 1916 and was assistant editor of The Times during 1941–46. 41 Michael Cox, 'E.H. 527-528. Volume 3: Foreign Policy, War and Racial Extermination (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1997), p. 8. 35 By 'economic reconstruction' Carr does not only mean the granting of relief credits to distressed nations, but on a more fundamental level also the widespread acceptance that in order to permanently achieve international peace, stability and security, national policies will on principle have to take into consideration the welfare and societal content of other countries as well. In consequence, the entrenchment of these ideals failed to precede the ascent of intransigently resentful enemies which, in marked contrast to their predecessors, clearly preferred aggressive power politics over peaceful reconciliation for achieving their goals.51 To that degree, Carr rightfully blamed unfair international structures for courting Germany's growing embitterment and thereby abetting the spread of fascism. Carr, increasingly moderating his earlier anti-Marx bias, was unforgiving of Cold War historians of the revolution who had willingly succumbed to the prevailing "anti-Marxist fanaticism". 43 In that regard, it is thus highly debatable whether Germany would in any event have become an aggressive power by the end of the 1930s as John Mearsheimer contends. 47 Ruth Henig, 'The League of Nations', p. 43. He joined the Foreign Office in 1916 and was assistant editor of The Times during 1941–46. 30:1 (2001), p.135. It is also noteworthy that realism and utopianism per se can be interpreted differently and the interplay between the two suggests that each … 36 Carr, The Twenty Years’ Crisis, p. 217. Hit LIKE and Subscribe - Thank you! Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500-2000 (New York: First Vintage Books, 1989), pp. John le Carré, the novelist of espionage, spy craft and intrigue whose cloak-and-dagger tales of the Cold War ensnared a generation of readers, died Saturday. To some Cold War critics Carr was thereby damned as pro-Soviet, when in fact he saw himself "trapped between alternatives from which he refused to choose" (p. 155). - Every paper finds readers, International Politics and Country Analyses. British espionage writer John le Carré has died aged 89, following a short illness, his literary agent has said. On October 4, US Vice-President Mike Pence threatened China with the biggest military build-up since Ronald Reagan, and pledged to choke its economy. In addition to Tinker Tailor Soldier Spy, Le […] © CBS News john-le-carre-interview-a-620.jpg 10 Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, pp. %PDF-1.5 John le Carré, the author whose nuanced thrillers deftly explored the multiple personal and political complexities of the cold war, has died aged 89. The Cold War began in Eastern Europe and Germany, according to the researchers of the Institute of Contemporary British History (Warner 15). As E.H. Carr remarked, ethical standards cannot exist independent of politics, in particular not without setting them in proper relation to the less abstract determinants in international relations, notably power.1 It was such a separation of power from morality which led politicians of the inter-war period to believe that international cooperation could be perpetuated solely through the establishment of institutions designed to resolve inter-state disputes within an international society whose members supposedly all shared the same goals, even though in reality they clearly didn’t. British espionage writer and former spy John le Carré dies aged 89, his agent says Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, p. 114. Ten Decisions That Changed the World 1940-1941 (New York: The Penguin Press, 2007), pp. 45 John W. Coogan, 'Wilsonian diplomacy in war and peace', in: Gordon Martel (ed. In addition to understanding the different historical interpretations, you… Sam Carr walked out of the Don Jail on a crisp autumn day in 1942. Australians have no interest in joining U.S. cold war against China. His best-known work on the subject, The Twenty Years’ Crisis, delivered a powerful realist critique, still resonant today, of the idealist approach to international relations and helped bring about a renewed emphasis on the role of power in international affairs. Conflict After the Cold War encourages closer scrutiny of the political, economic, social, and military factors that drive war and peace. Deutscher reviewed the first three volumes of Carr’s history in the Times Literary Supplement, 16 February 1951, 7 March 1952 and 5 June 1953 – MIA. Hello Select your address Books. 44 Ruth Henig, 'The League of Nations', pp. Le Carré captured the human condition, in the Cold War and beyond Through the grey world of espionage, Le Carré wrote about the human condition. In general, E.H. Carr was certainly right that international law and institutions cannot be relied upon to act as a universal remedy for redressing inter-state grievances, in particular not within the constraints of an international order whose members didn't identify the interests of the whole community with their own.16 In that event, such institutions might even constitute a potential root cause for international conflict, if only because differing perceptions with regard to moral precepts and the constitutive nature of the international system stand to result in different strategies adopted by states for handling their relations with other nations. 483-84. 20 Robert Jervis, 'Realism, Neoliberalism and Cooperation: Understanding the Debate', International Security, Vol. 123-124. 39 Wilson,’ The Myth of the First Great Debate’, pp. 152-153. 55 A sentiment fittingly conveyed by Foreign Minister Makino Nobukai upon saying that “we are not too proud to fight but we are too proud to accept a place of admitted inferiority in dealing with one or more of the associated nations. In essence, Carr attributed the collapse of that order to the presumably unavoidable confluence of a number of conflicting forces and tendencies which combined to lay bare with a vengeance the misguided illusion that the dictates of power politics on individual state behavior could be rendered immaterial–probably even redundant–through the mere presence of institutional arbitration and cooperation alone.5, Arguably most detrimental to lasting peace and international stability was the intrinsically erroneous view that the peculiar balance of power by which European countries had accommodated each other for nearly 100 years before it was eventually shattered by the First World War might in a less power-driven form be restored by encouraging the belief that compliance with international norms and conventions would invariably work towards the common good of all nations.6 Such presumptions, however, failed to appreciate that the 19th century political order had actually never even in the first place rested on a universal validity of rational principles and ethical standards; rather it had been primarily the result of a distinct and, by implication, non-transferable constellation of historical contingencies,7 a balance of forces peculiar ''to the economic development of the period and the countries concerned. the assumption that collective security, free trade, the sanctity of treaties and international arbitration would always serve nations' common interests.9 Yet unfortunately that doctrine contained one particularly flagrant imperfection, namely that it only provided for the settlement of international disputes within the legal framework of the established order, without at the same time, however, also allowing for far-reaching revisions of its own inherent failings and shortcomings.10. Skip to main content.us. While the Canadian government was concerned that Carr and his Communist comrades would hamper the war effort, this kind of disruption had not been their goal ever since Germany invaded the Soviet Union in 1941. JOHN LE CARRÉ has sadly died aged 89, it was reported today. 30 Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, p. 174. “I can deal with Stalin. Labedz was an extraordinary figure who had fought Communism all through the Cold War. 4 See, for instance, Frank McDonough (ed. This principle applies not only to texts on historical subjects, but also his own, which does indeed reflect his position in time – the atmosphere of post-war Britain and the Cold War. 1 E.H. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis 1919-1939: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (London: Macmillan, 1939), p. 19. 38 Jones, E.H. Carr and International Relations, p. 31. - High royalties for the sales The "hero" of "The Spy" does not feature again. Realism E.H Carr & Hans Morgenthau Realism o States are rational, unitary acts o States operate in an anarchic environment o Power is the fundamental resource to be perused Why go to war? EH Carr, The Bolshevik Revolution, 1917-1921 (three volumes, London, 1950, 1952, 1953); The Interregnum, 1923-1924 (London, 1954). Importantly, however, it was not a foregone conclusion that further accommodation with Germany, notably in the field of rearmament, couldn't have led to a more benign approach of its leaders in foreign affairs. 82-84. 19 Ruth Henig, ‘The League of Nations: An Idea before its Time?’, in: Frank McDonough (ed. Uploaded for promotional purposes only. E. H. Carr is a thinker on international affairs who defies easy classification. 48 Haslam, The Vices of Integrity, p. 59. Labedz had got Communism right. Yet once Hitler had seized power, attempts to appease him were arguably a vain and fruitless enterprise from the start.49 Granted, the mere fact that that approach ultimately didn’t preserve peace must not detract from its at least theoretical potential for doing so as Carr rightly believed, albeit if and only if, as he failed to discern, it had been directed at the right time at the right political leaders.50 The tragedy with appeasement was not that it was a misconceived policy per se, but rather that its underlying promise to maintain peace and inter-state cooperation basically lacked the willingness of all parties involved to commit themselves in equal part to the unequivocal observance of these high-minded principles. Carr and International Relations', British Journal of International Studies, Vol. 49 Jeffrey Record, ‘Appeasement: A Critical Evaluation Seventy Years On’, in: Frank McDonough (ed. Kerr is a Scottish variant, often from the Norse and (particularly on the west coast and Arran) from the Gaelic ciar, meaning "dusky". Through an award winning Digital Archive, the Project allows scholars, journalists, students, and the interested public to reassess the Cold War and its many contemporary legacies. E.H. Carr's Twenty Years' Crisis is a classic work in International Relations. In other words, it was thus essentially less a question over whether appeasement could ever have worked at all than basically one of how, when and, above all, with whom it might have done so. pp. This book, perhaps the one for which Carr is best remembered, was written immediately before the start of World War II, and is considered one of the seminal texts of international relations. While such concessions might indeed have prompted them to push for still greater demands, they could nevertheless also have substantially boosted the political reputation and position of the Weimar government, above all that of its Chancellor Gustav Stresseman, the arguably most genuinely peace-minded figurehead in German politics.42, In that context, it is important to understand that the principal reason why Germany wished to rearm was not because it was per se bent on pursuing a more aggressive foreign policy43 ­–at least not in military terms, but rather on account of the perception that its international competitors were actually not willing to comply with the arms limitation terms they had agreed to in 1919 either.44 That failure of the Allies to follow suit on their self-declared objective for general disarmament as a result only reinforced the impression of revisionist countries that the League of Nations was ultimately less an organization of all nations than merely one of its primary beneficiaries.45, That is why political observers such as Winston Churchill were only partially right in maintaining that Germany was actually more after the recovery of lost territories than obtaining equality of status.46 The truth of the matter is that its government above all hoped that a compromise on disarmament issues would provide it with the very diplomatic success it so desperately needed in view of public opinion for suppressing the harmful fascist disease that was presently running rampant within its society.47 According to Carr, Allied intractability to thus help Stresseman secure an acceptable revision of the Versailles Treaty consequently greatly assisted the rise of Social-Nationalism in Germany.48. As Michael Cox has argued in the introduction, Carr played a critical intellectual role in the post-war period as sympathetic analyst of the early Soviet regime and credible critic of the West. 143-255. What distinguishes them, however, are the at times very different means applied for realising and/or preserving them.20 As Carr noted, powerful nations with the necessary wherewithal routinely seek to perpetuate their pre-eminent standing by maintaining the status quo at the expense of potential challengers,21 whereas countries with less sophisticated methods for procuring vital resources and directing international capital movements in their favour might accordingly more easily be tempted to revert to less peaceful devices for asserting their demands, notably in the form of territorial expansion and bellicose aggression towards other nations.22, It is on account of these fundamentally opposite strategies employed by states in relation to their respective power that for as long as there do not exist appropriate opportunities and incentives for all of them to more readily forego military violence in their conduct of foreign affairs, appeals to preserve peace for the common good will never be able to deter inter-state conflict on their own. This was not the judgment of a drunk or a letch or a bad historian. Ultimately Carr’s realist critique of utopianism is convincing because of the limitations of realism which he himself recognises and reconciles with his conception of utopia. I firmly believe that social science theories are invaluable for making and analyzing foreign policy. 54 Margaret MacMillan, Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed the World (New York: Random House, 2003), p. 321. With the rise of the Churchill-inspired Cold War Carr produced a series of Oxford lectures later published as The Soviet Impact on the Western World (1946). 50-65. 2. influence in the late 1940s and 1950s as too much realism and too little utopianism. 12-13. Accordingly, the League thus not only neglected to adequately account for the element of power in international politics,23 but it was likewise a fallacy to believe that merely because it presumed to pass international judgements, resentful nations might in the event more readily comply with its instructions. He defined the cold war era and fearlessly spoke truth to power in the decades that followed … I have lost a mentor, an inspiration and most importantly, a friend. Still, as Carr acknowledged, attempts to root moral ideals within the international order need not necessarily suffer the same fate they did in the run-up to World War II.2 Importantly, however, one must first become alive to the highly sensitive constellation of power and morality ultimately required to prevent the international system from giving rise to such forces as might before long prove a potential source of its own instability. 32:2 (April 2006), p. 302. 50-51; and Robert Powell, 'Anarchy in International Relations Theory', International Organization, Vol. Joseph S. Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (Cambridge, M.A. In that context, responsibility for maintaining peace and international cooperation will indeed primarily rest with dominant powers' willingness to effect a constant re-evaluation and re-adjustment of the status quo, notably by addressing unjust practises of the international system of their own volition instead of unwisely handing over the initiative for doing so to revisionist challengers of it.28 In particular, they need to avail themselves more systematically of their 'soft' powers29 to convince other nations that peace and cooperation are more than merely artful institutions to further their own self-enrichment.30 Such need for allowing peaceful change to take place should, however, not only be enjoined upon state actors by moral considerations, as Carr duly remarked,31 but also because already for purely practical reasons any such measured modifications are ultimately much preferable to a potentially far more radical and violent upheaval in international politics. 44 Ruth Henig, 'The Peculiar Realism of E.H. Carr ', pp 43... ’ Crisis, p. 199 Empire 1936-1945 ( New York: Routledge, 1994 ), p. 126 the. Were opposed to the content, either key texts produced by Carr, the Years... 2016-02-16 03:05:35 Identifier WhatIsHistory-E.H.Carr Identifier-ark ark: /13960/t6sz0gk6j Ocr ABBYY FineReader 11.0 Ppi 300. plus-circle Review. The Crisis of Twentieth-Century Liberalism: Reflections and Lessons ', International,. Spy '' does not feature again Power Politics, p. 57 increasingly been called into question R.A.B... 89, following a short illness, his agent says Carr by e. Carr... Two Years, and detained for the Cold War was not smart and... First Great Debate ', p. 40 Cambridge, M.A & Sword Military Classics 1971. Organizations, or marxist paradigms in exposing the weakness of utopian thought War Era was dictated! 30 Carr, the Twenty Years ’ Crisis, p. 75 in 1947, Carr forced... Easy classification dies aged 89, it was reported today the revisionist literature is.... 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